8 books found
by George Richard Crooks, John Fletcher Hurst, Karl Rudolf Hagenbach
1894
Details the regimental history of the Union Army's XIX Corps, Department of the Gulf, created in 1862 comprised totally of men then occupying Louisiana and Eastern Texas. The XIX Corps fought mainly in Louisiana, but took part in the Red River Campaign and Sheridan's Shenandoah Campaign where they suffered heavy losses at Opequon. From there, they were sent to Savannah where the majority were mustered out in March of 1865. The appendix covers rosters, losses in battle, officers killed or mortally wounded, Port Hudson forlorn hope, articles of capitulation, and note on Early's strength.
"Ben. Franklin, Sol. Smith and Horace Greeley have written of themselves and their times. So have Argo, Lamartine, and many others. Abler men than I, no doubt; but because Jupiter is a great planet, do we say the little star shall not twinkle? And why, then, may not I write modestly of myself and times? As it would make the book too big for any writer to tell all the truth about himself, I need not tell distasteful things. It is therefore a safe business to write a memoir, as anything one would rather not tell can be left out; and if I think of any dubious things in my own life, I can pass them over. Great slices of the actual life of any man must be thrown aside, whether he or another tells the tale; but if the reader hankers after the untold, thinking it might be savory with peccadillos or the like, let him imagine the void filled with his own shortcomings, and he need not care to feast on those of men no better than himself."--Page [1].
In this sweeping interpretive history of mid-nineteenth-century Chicago, historians John B. Jentz and Richard Schneirov boldly trace the evolution of a modern social order. Combining a mastery of historical and political detail with a sophisticated theoretical frame, Jentz and Schneirov examine the dramatic capitalist transition in Chicago during the critical decades from the 1850s through the 1870s, a period that saw the rise of a permanent wage worker class and the formation of an industrial upper class. Jentz and Schneirov demonstrate how a new political economy, based on wage labor and capital accumulation in manufacturing, superseded an older mercantile economy that relied on speculative trading and artisan production. The city's leading business interests were unable to stabilize their new system without the participation of the new working class, a German and Irish ethnic mix that included radical ideas transplanted from Europe. Jentz and Schneirov examine how debates over slave labor were transformed into debates over free labor as the city's wage-earning working class developed a distinctive culture and politics. The new social movements that arose in this era--labor, socialism, urban populism, businessmen's municipal reform, Protestant revivalism, and women's activism--constituted the substance of a new post-bellum democratic politics that took shape in the 1860s and '70s. When the Depression of 1873 brought increased crime and financial panic, Chicago's new upper class developed municipal reform in an attempt to reassert its leadership. Setting local detail against a national canvas of partisan ideology and the seismic structural shifts of Reconstruction, Chicago in the Age of Capital vividly depicts the upheavals integral to building capitalism.
From the American Revolution to the end of World War II, the United States spent nineteen years at war against other nations. But since1950, the total is twenty-two years and counting. On four occasions, U.S. presidents elected as "peace candidates" have gone on to lead the nation into ferocious armed conflicts. Repeatedly, wars deemed necessary when they began have been seen in retrospect as avoidable, Äîandill-advised. Americans profess to be a peace-loving people and one wary of "foreign entanglements." Yet we have been drawn into wars in distant lands from Vietnam to Afghanistan. We cherish our middle-class comforts and our children. Yet we send our troops to Fallujah and Mogadishu. How is it that ordinary Americans with the most to lose are so easily convinced to follow hawkish leaders-of both parties-into war? In Reasons to Kill noted scholar Richard E. Rubenstein explores both the rhetoric that sells war to the public and the underlying cultural and social factors that make it so effective. With unmatched historical perspective and insightful commentary, Rubenstein offers citizens new ways to think for themselves about crucial issues of war and peace.
Since the first volume of this work came out in Germany in 1924, this book, together with its second volume, has remained standard in the field. Courant and Hilbert's treatment restores the historically deep connections between physical intuition and mathematical development, providing the reader with a unified approach to mathematical physics. The present volume represents Richard Courant's second and final revision of 1953.